Disadvantaged groups in education and emergencies

Disadvantaged groups in education and emergencies This chapter first identifies groups or clusters who would be particularly vulnerable educationally in an emergency. This does not catalogue all vulnerabilities in these groups, but tries to restrict it to existing disadvantage which may be exacerbated by emergency or new vulnerabilities created by disaster. It then looks at ‘educational sites’ which are also vulnerable in themselves, or which might contribute to vulnerability. It draws attention to the intersection of multiple vulnerabilities, but also signals the notion of emergency as an opportunity. The chapter also draws attention to hidden or forgotten emergencies. 3.1.1 Gender-related disadvantage It would be commonly agreed that girls as a broad category are at greater risk during an emergency, because of traditional gender disadvantage. ‘Normal’ patriarchal cultures are strengthened during emergencies, as people seek comfort in routine relations, roles and hierarchies. If girls are routinely left without access to education, this is unlikely to change. Afghanistan, for example, is traditionally seen as a site of educational difficulties for girls (although in Kabul they currently attend schools and projects freely). The links of gender disadvantage with poverty and economic vulnerability are well documented (Mujahid-Mukhtar, 2008). Cultural barriers often cited are limited roles for girls and women, differential treatment of girls in nutrition and health, men viewed as breadwinners, a male dominated education system, gender-differentiated child-rearing practices, low status of women, lack of knowledge of the social and personal benefits of education, gender ster eotyping and threat of sexual violence (UNICEF, 2007). Specific areas related to emergency in many or all countries which have been highlighted in this study would be: Early marriage (girls are pushed into marriage because of fragile and insecure situations, increased poverty, death of bread-winning relatives, and therefore they leave school). After war, there are fewer men, so girls are pushed into polygamous marriages (as in Afghanistan), but conversely, therefore, men are forced to accept more than one wife. Older people have not adapted their norms to accept single unattached women, as in other post-conflict locations Child labour (sons recruited in conflict, the need to work, displacement causing vulnerability to be incorporated into trafficking and sex trade). Domestic labour, normally girls, is often not viewed as ‘child labour’ although this can prevent school attendance. Boys are more likely to receive kits and educational materials because of ‘normal’ male preference in and out of schools (interview data, Nepal). Protectionism/lack of independence. In the context of the tsunami, in the Maldives secondary schools do not exist on every island, and parents may be reluctant to send their daughters to neighboring islands for fear of pregnancy and also fear of sexual abuse Abuse. Sexual abuse, rape, gang rape and physical abuse all get worse in the camps and in situations of emergency with the breakdown of law and order and lack of supervision. Men experiencing loss of status are more likely to engage in domestic violence. Trafficking for prostitution increases, particularly post-emergency when police or security force protection is withdrawn (interview data, Nepal). During conflict, boys may be recruited or taken for enforced labour. Kidnapping and abduction are a threat as well as trafficking. Religious taboos and misinformation. Oxfam reported that in some cases in the tsunami the heavy and voluminous clothing worn by Muslim women and the cultural barriers that prevent girls from learning to swim contributed to the death by drowning of many women and girls. The same clothing also restricted some women from running to high places or from climbing trees. Anecdotal evidence suggests that many men survived by doing just this. There are reports from many of the tsunami-affected countries of Muslim women who perished because they were too afraid to leave their home with their head uncovered. Conversely, in some cases the waves were so strong that women were stripped of their clothing and there are reports of naked women refusing to climb into rescue boats manned by males from their villages (Pittaway et al., 2007). Marginalization of females during humanitarian and reconstruction efforts after the tsunami, with lack of consultation about needs and with response efforts almost exclusively headed by male staff. Refuges and camps often showed little regard for women’s health, safety and privacy. However, gender-related disadvantage does not always mean girls come off worst: in conflict, boys may be more likely to be recruited as child soldiers, and hence lose schooling; in economic difficulties caused by disaster, they may be taken out of school because they have greater earning power. Conversely, there is evidence from Nepal that females joining insurgent groups (e.g. Maoists) may experience higher status there and participation in decision making, and that in this sense, conflict has increased rather than decreased female status. Much depends on their role, whether combatants, supporters or dependents (Plan, 2008a). While an ex-combatant woman may enjoy a more equal status within a relationship or marriage with another ex-combatant, when an unmarried woman otherwise wants to return to her family or community she is a seen as ‘spoiled’, as she would not have been protected in the same way as non-combatants growing up in traditional or conservative cultures. 3.1.2 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and refugees While these groups which can be caused by an emergency are clearly vulnerable generally, there is sometimes a difference relative to other groupings in that they are identifiable, and that they receive help. In some countries, those formally identified as IDPs may be the more fortunate ones, as they can claim assistance, including educational support. They are visible in the camps, whereas the ‘lone IDPs’ who are fleeing a personal emergency, or who do not have the political knowledge to claim official IDP status, can suffer problems of discrimination or exclusion in a new community. IDPs may not want to, or be unable to, return to their own communities, and have resettled: at what point do they cease to be IDPs, especially in normally nomadic societies where there is much seasonal migration for work? Specific issues relating to education and emergency are: Internal displacement exposes children to forced military recruitment; they may become direct targets in the conflict or be subject to unequal or biased educational service provision (Sri Lanka). Refugees suddenly become a minority, with loss of status and position; there is lack of choice, including educational choice. Afghan refugees in Pakistan complain that they are given very little choice about where to live – the camps nearer Afghanistan cannot guarantee security, and food or shelter cannot be guaranteed in Peshawar. There are the well-documented issues of language and curriculum of their new schools, as well as problems of ‘return’. Afghan refugees in Pakistan for example are now being sent back, causing a highly uncertain situation for them with all this movement. There is pressure on remaining schools after an emergency to accept more children, which means larger classes, therefore a decrease in quality and in drop-out for all children. ‘Hosting’ refugees amounts to an education emergency in affected communities, with jealousies and feelings that incomers drain resources or hold ‘our’ children back. Refugees may have services that the surrounding communities lack. Children and families may move several times before settling in one place where they could stay more than six months. If they go to school, children drop out continuously when they cannot keep up or catch up. Older children may be forced to learn with younger children, to match their perceived learning levels, which cause distress and a lack of self-esteem. Security in the camps is a problem (see above), as is health, for example with cholera in Pakistan. Relocated communities in the tsunami can suffer: in Sri Lanka, various buffer zones in the coastal areas were established to impose limits on where people could live after the tsunami, but some were far from the sea, and parents tend not to send children to school in these circumstances, as this could show acceptance of the unsatisfactory situation. Refugee and IDP children may be more subject to abuse and trafficking; children living with ‘host’ families are more likely to be abused. There can be drug and alcohol problems of parents (and children) in IDP camps. 3.1.3 Minority groups/caste/ethnicity In all countries there are pre-existing patterns of social stratification based on ethnicity, caste, tribe or clan. These are highly linked to social class and socio-economic status. Emergencies will tend to mean that low status groups are further disadvantaged or discriminated against, as power to attract resources is not evenly distributed. Conflict may be between different ethnic groups, or with a majority group and there is rarely a win–win resolution of the conflict; even if the conflict is not directly related to ethnic or other status, as in natural disasters, the lack of capacity to claim rights and resources post-conflict means more polarization. Areas under conflict may find it more difficult to respond to natural disasters, as has been reported for reconstruction after the tsunami in LTTE-controlled areas of Sri Lanka. Recommendations for action suggest projects focusing on a specific group, e.g. safe play areas for children from a specific ethnic group, or educatio n facilities for a specific religious group (Save the Children, 2008a), although there is a danger of focusing, say, on one caste which may cause attitudes to that group to harden. 3.1.4 Economically disadvantaged Poverty on its own is not always a predictor of vulnerability, and clearly combines with other axes of disadvantage. Emergencies will highlight these. While homelessness in disasters can affect families in every economic stratum, their social capital becomes crucial, as does the network of relatives and friends who can provide support. The poor are likely to have poorer quality housing, in poorer or lower lying land (or conversely in steep hills) which does not withstand floods, cyclones or earthquake; therefore they can be displaced or live in the open not near to a school. Animals too are not protected, and subject to loss. Food shortages are made worse by emergency, and may mean migration to urban areas to find work. Rural children are more likely to be out of school, particularly when poor; natural disasters may mean that distances to the nearest school become even greater. The rapid recent increase in food prices in Bangladesh and elsewhere has had an impact on school attendance, both because children have become hungry and less attentive and because parents have been less able to meet educational expenses. Parents have also been forced to cut back on the use of kerosene for night lighting thereby reducing the evening study period for students (Raihan, 2008). 3.1.5 The invisible Children without a formal identity (estimated to be 50 million globally) are never registered and there-fore deprived of access to education. In emergencies, they have no claim to resources or proof of age when relocating. It is more difficult to resist recruitment into insurgent or security forces. Children of different ethnic groups may be deprived of nationality and identity. Street children may come under the category of invisible, as they are harder to track and monitor, and also may not be in formal school. However, there is a debate as to whether they are particularly vulnerable during emergencies, as they are used to surviving, and have personal and social resources which the newly homeless do not have. The out-of-school by definition tends to be more invisible. They are more vulnerable during emergencies, since, as in Sri Lanka, most of the educational and emergency provisions utilize schools, and the out-of-school tends to be invisible among service providers. The turning away of children in Afghanistan from orphanages, schools or projects can precipitate them being involved in the sex trade, as dancers or working with truck drivers. 3.1.6 Differently affected This is a broad category of children who are differentially affected by emergency, or who have pre-existing conditions which may be exacerbated by emergency: Those with disabilities. Those with physical and mental disabilities are less likely to survive a disaster. Special facilities or education are not always prioritized during emergencies. Schools that refuse to take children with disabilities in ‘normal’ times are even less likely to accept them after an emergency. Children may have been injured by landmines, and all need landmine education. Traumatized children. Children experiencing conflict and witnessing the violent death of relatives and friends suffer a range of traumatic conditions. Children were scared of going back to schools after the tsunami, and even after four years were reported to be ‘very jumpy’ and emotionally unstable at school. Orphans, especially where there is lack of social welfare support. Absence of orphanages may be a problem, or conversely orphanages may be a site for abuse or trafficking of children. Agencies such as UNICEF and World Education may be against the institutionalization of children, including orphans, and there can be lack of integration mechanisms and support. Child-headed households. The child can be of either sex, but additional responsibilities (economic and caring) mean such children are unlikely to go to school. Child soldiers and ex-combatants. Such children have not just lost schooling, but may be traumatized as well as stigmatized on their return. They may be placed in classes inappropriate to their age. Drug users (living in badly bombed buildings in Kabul, for example). In the Maldives, there is strong social stigma against drugs and children will be expelled from school if caught with them. There are few rehabilitation centers or organizations to help them. School failures. Those who were failures before an emergency often use the crisis as an excuse to drop out of school. War children or ‘lost generation’ need to ‘catch up’ within rigid school systems which make this impossible. They may be jealous of the younger generation whose education was not disrupted, and fear the future. Children in conflict zones. There may be security checkpoints preventing access to school (also for their teachers) and/or danger of mines. Children of prisoners (criminal or political). These may suffer low esteem as well as economic hardship. Children in detention centers and prisons themselves. UNESCO runs a de-institutionalization project in Afghanistan, which also includes children in and from orphanages. Children of sex workers. Children of the HIV affected and from homes where there are diseases such as leprosy. 3.2 Educational sites and personnel Schools were destroyed. Schools (and colleges) can collapse in an earthquake and a hurricane in the worst case with students and teachers are still in them. In most of Nepal, a non- architectural and designing phase the presented seismic safety measures. National Society for Earthquake Technology (NSET) with a modification or restructuring of the school program, but can reach only a few. But in the actual school vulnerability of particular importance is the contract and the corruption of the materials used to make it easier to make the collapse of natural disasters to the schools. Do not let this corruption in Pakistan and China, is going on the list, and this sustained after a disaster or even. In Bangladesh, which has been identified (interview), build back on the poor instead of build back better. In China, the authorities have also asked the parents did not cause to complain about the building to ensure the death or injury of their children and financial incentives for them. Poor building standards of experience, but also on their return folded the school itself forms to create an emergency (Harber 2005) anxiety in the child and parents. Schools as a refuge or a takeover of the internally displaced, disrupting education. Built schools or on the ground that the social distance is an issue, renovated. If the site is in this sense are people died as a cemetery, still popular. As one respondent said: The school is a graveyard it. Children do not go to school for fear of appearing recruited into armed groups, or to go on the road. In the Maldives, an island, when the school was destroyed, and it was reported that sometimes reluctant to take on children in other islands of the school, while others welcome. Child labor and domestic workers in their own home or in someones home is difficult to adapt to the standard items or in school. Older children can be destructive, is considered cute employees. Temporary schools (even permanent) can move the missing girls and teachers sanitation special. To form an important topic in the vulnerability of certain groups, the maintenance management systems and school officials. These are usually male-dominated groups, at least moderately high caste and socio economic status. You are likely to be, during and after CIES EMERGEN the same group, it may be necessary to change the mindset so that they meet for the child or to seek an appropriate school concept. Now the question is, what incentives could make them to change this mindset. How can teacher’s high caste be persuaded to teach low caste children and interact? How can the person who convinced for the school management committee has been grant equitable distribution? One study examined community-based education system in Nepal, that the use of community based school improvement plan to bring elite processes, the process of creating incentives and equity. Strategy of education untouchables girls the opportunity to the majority of the population are less willing to tolerate a d irect attack, but would under the heading (Gardner and Subrahmanian, 2005) to agree. 3.3 Multiple vulnerabilities Although it is possible to a certain group or website, as can be seen above, two important questions are immediately clear: First, within and between the clusters they intersect in various ways, secondly , therefore it is difficult to around the disadvantaged or even draw the most vulnerable limit. It is commented on how to report in India, even if it is taken out of the equation of sex , the majority of the population is at risk. Caste is said to individual well over 50 % of the population affected , although there are exceptions, generally poor Dalits , disenfranchised , less educated , more abused . The vast majority of the population to be at risk if they are fragile along a parameter, they are more likely to have multiple vulnerabilities . Everyone has a different vulnerability so-called beam (Fluke, 2007), from a political, economic, social and ideological complex interactions. Practice of: The third complex is the time when they begin and end with emergencies (if they do), for those in danger? Vulnerable orphans temporarily take care of a family, but later at a loss and abandonment and exploitation of resources. Vulnerability often associated with children (Zelizer, 1994), perceived social value to work in practice or emergency emotionally as the context victim. This can dramatically change the changing social and economic priorities. Schools can a neutral body to maintain and improve the childs value when their environment is sensitive.

How does Curleys Wife appear to be weak In Of Mice and Men and how does she manipulate her power? Essay

Power has an important role to play in Steinbeck’s ‘Of Mice and Men’ throughout the whole novel. Power is displayed through authority, wealth, control, strength, and status – and the quantities of these that each character possesses determines their place in the hierarchy of power in the novel. Curley’s Wife is considered one of the weak ones, because of a lack of some of these attributes. The most obvious evidence that gives this point substance is her name – Curley’s Wife. This directly shows her status in society, and how her authority is affected by her husband. She is not given her own name in the novel, instead taking Curley’s name – becoming a sort of extension of Curley. She is not independent, as she does not have her own separate name, and shows that her position of authority is lower than Curley’s – he is the dominant one. Her status is lower than Curley’s because she does not have her own separate title, and gets objectified towards Curley – she is â€Å"Curley’s† rather than her own self. Due to the context of the time, being a woman gave you a lower social status than men – many were seen as second rate to their male equivalents. They had less power than men, this was displayed through having less rights, particularly when it came to democracy and voting – less control. She was confined by her social status as a woman. This makes her level of power in the novel significantly lower than Curley’s – adding to the idea that she is presented as one of the weak ones. Despite her social status as a white woman, she manages to manipulate her position over others that she deems weaker than her. Although she is a woman, she is a white American, and this means that automatically she has a social power over the black population – in the context of time and due to racism this was widely accepted. A clear example of this is given by Steinbeck when she tries to talk with Candy, Crooks, and Lennie in Crook’s room. She is not wanted by any of those three characters, and Crooks, filled with hope about the dream farm that they had been discussing, turns to her and says that he would ‘ast the boss not to ever let you come in the barn no more’. Curley’s Wife takes advantage that her social role is higher up in terms of power compared to Crooks, simply because she is a ‘white woman.’ She says that she could get Crooks ‘strung up on a tree so easy it ain’t even funny.’ This is a threat towards Crooks, and it is a threat that carries weight because it has happened before and could happen to Crooks. Crooks reduces himself ‘into nothing’ and had ‘no personality, no ego-nothing to arouse either like or dislike’. He shrivels back so much and this shows the extent to which Curley’s wife can manipulate her power. Although out of the characters introduced to the reader in Of Mice and Men she appears to be one of the weak ones, because of the social hierarchy that existed in 1920’s America, she is able to exert her power over a select group of people – namely Crooks and all black people. Although Candy is theoretically more powerful than her simply because his social status as a white man at that time was considered more powerful than a white woman. But Curley’s Wife manipulates Candy’s physical weakness, and calls him a ‘lousy ol’ sheep’ and the whole group of them ‘bindle stiffs.’ She is prepared to talk to them in such a way that she’s sure that they wouldn’t be able to properly retaliate. At the beginning of her entrance she says that Crook’s room is where they left all the ‘weak ones’ – evidence for this point. Out of all the characters introduced to the reader in Of Mice and Men Curley’s Wife appears to be one of the weak ones, because of the social hierarchy that existed in 1920’s America. However, she is able to exert her power over a select group of people – namely Crooks and all black people because of her role in society – a white female.

Demon and Fact Faustus Essay

Mephistopheles varies greatly in his attitude towards Faustus, sometimes seemingly offering support and guidance while others acting in a dismissive, even disdainful manner. Throughout, Faustus is manipulated into fulfilling Mephistopheles’ own goals, yet the ‘bewitching fiend’ succeeds in giving him the belief that he wants to do these things himself whether or not he is being guided, albeit rather forcefully, there. Nonetheless it remains to be seen if this is a reflection of the deceitfulness from the devils servant or rather the weakness and arrogance shown by Faustus. Faustus appears vulnerable and naà ¯ve upon conjuring for the first time, pathetic fallacy adding to the sombre mood, as ‘gloomy shadow(s)’ overcast the scene, obscuring what is about to happen, leaving the audience in the dark and instilling a sense of terror. Therefore when Mephistopheles appears as a devil it is presumably through fear that Faustus describes him as ‘too ugly’ such is the heightened sense of tension and feeling of the sublime he experiences. As opposed to reacting to Faustus’ needs Mephistopheles immediately gains control and begins surreptitiously asserting his dominance over him, taking advantage of the fact Faustus is clearly out of his depth, and resorting to imperatives, commanding Mephistopheles to ‘speak!’ hinting that desperation is starting to creep in. Throughout the play it appears as though Mephistopheles is praying on Faustus’ weaknesses, identifying his ‘aspiring pride’ as a pressure point and luring him towards the idea of becoming the ‘sole king’ of all the earth. Once overcome with the thought of being a ‘great emperor’ Faustus is obviously convinced that selling his soul is the best option he has and appears to disregard any rational logic, allowing Mephistopheles to sit back only issuing short replies like ‘I will’ in return to the overly ambitious notions filling Faustus’ egotistical head. Faustus’ lack of control is only furthered when his ‘own appetite’ gets the better of him leading to Mephistopheles threatening to go ‘back to hell’ – forcing Faustus to implore with him not to leave – furthermore signalling his reliance on him to actually carry out all his frivolous desires. The compromise of being offered à ¢â‚¬Ëœgreater things’ proves too much for Faustus as  passion overcomes reason, which Mephistopheles is keen to distance them from, creating stark opposition and providing further evidence that he is willing to manipulate Faustus through his vulnerabilities, regardless of what emotions this will invoke in the mere mortal himself. In addition to promise bringing ‘whirlwinds, tempests, thunder and lightning’ under the control of Faustus, Mephistopheles also immediately senses whenever there is slight doubt in his subject, quickly bombarding him with fantasises to ‘delight his mind’ and turn his attention away from any concept of repentance. This eagerness to persistently tempt Faustus towards hell every time he wavers slightly suggests a driven character, supported through his own claims that he would do anything to ‘obtain his soul’ no matter the cost, showcasing a lack of care or sympathy towards the difficult situation Faustus finds himself in. This only serves to further the level of deception and pretence when Mephistopheles calls on Faustus to ‘stab thine arm courageously’ resorting to flattery to get his own way, knowing that Faustus’ ego will easily succumb to being complimented and raised above others. However in direct contrast, Mephistopheles shows he’s not afraid to resort to intimidation, reporting ‘hell hath no limits’ such is the reach of the devil, one should know not to cross him as ‘under the heavens’ the lines blur and the liminal becomes ever more apparent, this bold claim undoubtedly a shocking one in front of a contemporary audience wherein religion was distinct in its boundaries – hell and heaven two entirely different entities. After a relatively straight forward process of persuasion Mephistopheles gains Faustus’ soul, leading to an apparent change in attitude from Mephistopheles – more bold in his tactics – he openly denies Faustus his wishes, instead questioning his stupidity and chastising him by warning him to ‘talk not of a wife’ but rather concentrate on aspects of life he himself deems relevant. Faustus’ pitiful cry at the end of scene 5 suggests that already he realises the drastic mistake he’s made and that ‘thou art deceived!’ by the dishonest Mephistopheles, leaving the audience to feel slight sadness for the misplaced trust he possessed. Nevertheless while this seems tragic one cannot avoid the suggestion that Faustus was only guided down a path he  desired all along and that he convinces himself to be ‘resolute’ and show willing to commit the most heinous of crimes such as ‘offer luke-warm blood of new-born babies’ – an awful taboo that highlights just how far he will go in order to quench his thirst for power and fame. In turn, this advocates Mephistopheles as more of a bystander than initially thought and while he is unequivocally determined in gaining more souls ‘to enlarge his kingdom’, he remains open about this throughout, instead of being sly and secretive. Therefore it can be considered that Faustus is in no position to call Mephistopheles a ‘bewitching fiend’ such are the failings of his own character. He is the one who condemns himself through his over ambition at becoming a ‘conjuror laureate’ and arrogance in believing that he has tamed Mephistopheles and made him ‘obedient’. Whereas Mephistopheles only points him in the right direction and technically always remains under his command, bringing him a ‘hot whore’ for a wife, while unsatisfactory is still fulfilling the parameters of Faustus’ self-indulgent wish. Despite this obedience towards his supposed master, Mephistopheles can definitely be considered a ‘bewitching fiend’ due to his ability to lure Faustus into making the decisions that Mephistopheles himself wanted and the drive he holds in forcing the deal through to the end. Furthermore his lack of concern towards his own conjuror is revealing, joking ‘tut I warrant thee’ in reaction to Faustus’ recognition he has done wrong, displaying both a lack of remorse and also a smugness that he has succeeded in accomplishing Lucifer’s plan.

Kants Transcendental Problem How is Natural Science...

In Kant’s Transcendental Problem: Kant attempts to answer the question â€Å"How is natural science possible?† (Kant 679R). Natural science in its modern use would simply be called science; it is the systematic body of knowledge that deals with nature. â€Å"Nature is the existence of things insofar as it is determined according to universal laws† (Kant 679R). In understanding nature, â€Å"we are concerned not with things in themselves, but rather with things as objects of possible experience, and the sum of these† (Kant 680L). This is important because as Kant argues the only way one can understand nature, is through experience as it teaches us, â€Å"what exists and how it exists† (Kant 679R). Kant finds that we derive experience from concepts, this saves natural science by limiting it only to experience (Kant 688L). To prove this belief he creates the argument: 1. Necessarily, the mind or faculty of understanding contains categories of concepts {C1, C2, C3, †¦ , C12}. 2. 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